Activitats

Activities

 

Calendaris

Congressos

Cursos i cicles

Seminaris del CLT

 

 

Calendaris


Calendari del Centre de Lingüística Teòrica:

 

 

Calendari de Ling Alert (vegeu http://lingalert.com/):

 

 

 

 

 

 

Congressos


 

Recursivity in Phonology Below and Above the Word

21-22 November, 2019
UAB

Invited speakers
Emily Elfner (York University, Canada)
Junko Itô (University of California, Santa Cruz)
Armin Mester (University of California, Santa Cruz)

 

Functional categories and expressive meaning

September 9-10, 2019
UAB

Invited Speakers
Elena Castroviejo
(Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea)
Silvio Cruschina (University of Helsinki)
Anastasia Giannakidou (University of Chicago)
Jessica Rett (UCLA)

 

 

CCIL 2019 ANNUAL WORKSHOP

CCIL 2019 ANNUAL WORKSHOP
FRIDAY, JUNE 7TH
AULA MAGNA OF THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY (UB)

The CCiL Annual Workshop is an annual meeting addressed to CCiL students. The program includes two scientific lectures, a panel with former CCiL students and a post-master options session offered by a relevant professional in the field. 

Program:

9:30- 9:45 Opening

9:45 – 10:45 Dr. Diego Marconi (Università degli Studi di Torino), “Semantic
Competence”

10:45 – 11:45 Dr. Alessandro Lenci (University of Pisa), “How do distributional vectors represent meaning? Encoding and decoding semantic features from word embeddings”

11:45 – 12:00 Break

12:00 – 13:20 Panel of former CCiL students: Carlota Saumell, Rut Benito, Carlota
Serrahima.

13:20 – 14:00  Dra. Cristina Pulido (Promoció de la Recerca, Institut de Neurociències,
UB).

14:00 Closure

Semantic Competence
Diego Marconi
Università degli Studi di Torino

Abstract:

Semantic competence is the ability to understand sentences (more generally, expressions) of a natural language. I will sketch a history of the debates concerning semantic competence, from Chomsky’s introduction of the general notion of linguistic competence (1965) to present-day “simulationists” models of language understanding, wich identify semantic competence with the ability to “re-enact” past experiences, based on linguistic input. I will go through Chomsky’s criticism of philosophical semantics, the main philosophically-originated semantic theories (Montague’s and Davidson’s) and their accounts of competence, criticism of such accounts (by Partee, Searle, and others), diverging responses to such criticism: internalism (Jackendoff, Johnson-Laird), non-cognitive externalism (Putnam), cognitive externalim (Harnad, Marconi). Finally, I will present the now widely supported simulationist paradigm (Gallese & Lakoff, Barsalou, etc.) and point out some of its difficulties.

 

How do distributional vectors represent meaning? Encoding and decoding semantic features from word embeddings
Alessandro Lenci 
Università di Pisa

Abstract:

Word embeddings are dense, low-dimensional distributional vectors that have been successfully used to model semantic similarity and as pretrained representations in downstream computational applications.

However, a notorious problem of word embeddings is the lack of interpretability of vector components. In this talk, I present a new method to decode the semantic information contained in word embeddings, which is inspired by current research on the neural decoding of brain activations recorded by fMRI. The issue of interpreting the embedding content is modelled as a decoding task, and multivariate regression is used to learn a map between distributional embeddings and a vector of 65 cognitively plausible, interpretable semantic features collected by Binder et al. (2016). Various types of embeddings have been used in the experiments, obtaining very high accuracy in predicting the semantic feature vectors. Post-hoc analyses show which semantic features are best predicted by word embeddings. This research represents a new contribution to explore the fine-grained information encoded by distributional vectors and to map them onto explicit and human-interpretable semantic features.

Speakers

Diego Marconi, PhD, taught Philosophy of Language at the University of Torino (Italy) until 2017. He also taught courses at several European universities. Most of his work is on Wittgenstein, Hegel’s dialectic, and the semantics of natural Language (Lexical Competence, MIT Press 1997).

Alessandro Lenci, PhD, is Associate Professor in Linguistics at the University of Pisa, and the director of the Computational Linguistics Laboratory (CoLingLab: http://colinglab.humnet.unipi.it/) at the Dept. of Philology, Literature, and Linguistics. He has extensively published on Natural Language Processing (NLP) and cognitive science.

 

 

 

Gramática y variación: el español en contacto con otras lenguas

 

14 de febrero de 2019
Aula 52.701, Campus del Poblenou, UPF

Programa

15:45 Ángel J. Gallego (UAB): Presentación
16:00 Azucena Palacios (UAM): "El proyecto COREC (corpus oral de referencia del español en contacto)"
16:45 Bruno Camus (UCLM) & Sara Gómez Seibane (UR): "El castellano del País Vasco como variedad de contacto"
17:30 Pausa
18:15 José Luis Blas Arroyo (UJI): "Desarrollos convergentes (y divergentes) del español en contacto con el catalán: nuevos datos sincrónicos y diacrónicos desde la sociolingüística"
19:00 Francesc Roca (UdG): Cierre

( Ricardo Etxepare (IKER-CNRS): "Atrapados en el parámetro: interrogativas en contacto en el País Vasco" )

 

 

The meaning of functional categories in the nominal domain

March 21st-22nd, 2019

Sala d'actes de la Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres (B7/1056), UAB

Invited speakers
Giuliana Giusti (U. of Venice)
Rick Nouwen (Utrecht U.)
Ileana Paul (U. of Western Ontario)
Anna Szabolcsi (NYU)

 

 

Workshop Acceptability judgments in current linguistic theory

October 25th-26th 2018, UAB

More info

 

 

 

Sinn und Bedeutung 23

September 5-7th 2018, UAB

Web SuB23

 

 

WoSSP15

15th Workshop on Syntax, Semantics and Phonology

28 i 29 de juny del 2018

 

 

DIASinEs

Diacronía en el atlas sintáctico del español

Viernes 8 de junio de 2018 - Sala de Actos de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras

SESIÓN MAÑANA
10:00- 10: 15- Presentación
10:15-11:00.- Montse Batllori: El término de polaridad positiva ya: evolución diacrónica y variación geográfica
11:00-11:45.- Bruno Camus: La variación sintáctica en español en la Grammaire des langues romanes. Tome troisième: Syntaxe(1900 [1899]), de W. Meyer-Lübke (y en otras gramáticas románicas)
11:45-12:15.- Pausa
12:15-13:00.- Javier Rodríguez Molina: Principales fenómenos de variación sintáctica en la Sintaxis histórica de la lengua española dirigida por C. Company
13:00-15:00.- PAUSA COMIDA

SESIÓN TARDE
15:00-15:45.- Álvaro Octavio de Toledo: Problemas de variación sintáctica en el español clásico y el primer español moderno
15:45- 16:30.- Cristina Buenafuentes: Variación geográfica y morfología flexiva a la luz de la diacronía
16.30-16:45.- Pausa corta
16:45-18:00.- Conclusiones y planificación futura

 

 

Cartography and Explanatory Adequacy

May 24-25th 2018, UAB

More info

 

 

Escola d'hivern de Semàntica

Programa / Inscripció

Barcelona, del 9 al 12 de gener de 2018

Universitat Pompeu Fabra  C/ Roc Boronat, 138 - 08018 Barcelona

Projecte: Xarxa Temàtica SIGGRAM 2016

 

 

The role of parametric variation at the representation of meaning

14-15 de desembre, 2017
Sala d'actes B7/1056

Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB

Invited speakers:
Martina Wiltschko (U. of British Columbia)
Andrew Koontz-Garboden (U. of Manchester)
Susann Fischer (U. Hamburg)

 

 

Workshop GISLingVar

Geographic Information Systems and Social Networks: Consequences for the Study of Linguistic Variation

30 de novembre, 2017
Sala d'actes B7/1056

Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB

Invited speakers:
Ricardo Etxepare (IKER - CNRS)
Roberta D'Alessandro (Utrecht University)

 

 

Linguistic Variation at the Interfaces

 

November 16-17, 2017
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid

INVITED SPEAKERS
Artemis Alexiadou (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin)
Elly van Gelderen (Arizona State University)
Luis López (University of Illinois at Chicago)
Norvin Richards (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)

Important dates
Abstract submission deadline: May 1st, 2017
Notification of acceptance: June 30th, 2017
Conference date: November 16-17th, 2017

 

 

II Workshop Predoctoral del CCiL

 

Nova crida - Nova Data

Nova data de celebració: 12 de maig del 2017.
Nova data de recepció de propostes: 18 d’abril del 2017.

 Temes:

  1. Anàlisi de dades i teoria lingüística: metodologies d’encaix //Big data and lingüistic theory: how to solve the tension
  2. Lliure

Comunicació d'acceptació: 2 de maig.
Llengües del seminari: català, anglès i castellà.
Intervencions de 20 +10
Pòsters

Es preveu la publicació digital ulterior de les comunicacions.

Adreceu les vostres propostes a:
doctorat.filcat@uab.cat, anna.bartra@uab.cat

Les propostes de participació han de contenir:
           
            - Títol provisional.
            - Un resum de la proposta d’un màxim de 2 pàgines a letra Times New Roman, pas 12, interlineat 1,5, marges 2,5 que especifiqui el tema i l'enfocament metodològics. No es tracta pas de fer estrictament un resum de l’estat de la recerca de la tesi, sinó de presentar una comunicació sobre un tema de recerca.
            - 5 paraules clau.

 

 

Generative Syntax 2017

Generative Syntax 2017: Questions, Crossroads, and Challenges

June 21-23, 2017
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona

INVITED SPEAKERS
Juan Uriagereka (University of Maryland)
Noam Chomsky (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) (via video conference)
Riny Huijbregts (Utrecht University)

INVITED CONTRIBUTORS
Roberta D'Alessandro (Utrecht Institute of Linguistics, UiL-OTS)
Theresa Biberauer (University of Cambridge)
Alba Cerrudo (UAB)
Brandon Fry (University of Ottawa)
Tim Hunter (University of California)
Aritz Irurtzun (ER UMR 5478-CNRS, Bayonne)
Brooke Larson (University of Iowa)
Marc Richards (Queen's University Belfast)
Dan Siddiqi (Carleton University)
Masaya Yoshida (Northwestern University)

 

 

Morphosyntactic Variation in Adpositions

Queen's College, University of Cambridge, 8-9 May 2017

The workshop “Morphosyntactic Variation in Adpositions” will take place at Queens’ College, University of Cambridge, on 8–9 May 2017, aiming at furthering our understanding of cross- and intra-linguistic morphosyntactic variation, either synchronic or diachronic, in adpositional elements —including prepositions, postpositions, adpositional prefixes and particles.

INVITED SPEAKERS
Peter Svenonius (Universitet i Tromsø)
Cristina Real Puigdollers (Universitat Pompeu Fabra)

ORGANIZING COMMITTEE
Víctor Acedo-Matellán (Queens’ College, University of Cambridge)
Anna Pineda (IKER - UMR 5478 (CNRS, UBM, UPPA))
Jaume Mateu (Centre de Lingüística Teòrica - Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)
Theresa Biberauer (University of Cambridge)
Ioanna Sitaridou (University of Cambridge, Queens’ College)

IMPORTANT DATES
Deadline for abstract submission: 15 February 2017
Notification of acceptance: 1 March 2017
Workshop dates: 8–9 May 2017

Please find all relevant information at http://blogs.uab.cat/adpositions/

 

 

Dative Structures and Beyond

International Workshop Dative Structures and Beyond

January 26-27, 2017
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona

Invited speakers:
M. Cristina Cuervo (University of Toronto)
Adam Ledgeway (University of Cambridge)
Beatriz Fernández (University of the Basque Country)

Call for papers:
http://filcat.uab.cat/clt/datives/call.html

 

 

Syntax-Discourse Interface

Workshop on the Syntax-Discourse Interface: Approaches, Phenomena and Variation

10th-11th of November, 2016
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona

More information:
http://filcat.uab.cat/clt/SyntaxDiscourse/index.html

 

 

Workshop Information Structure

Information Structure and the Architecture of Grammar

28 d'octubre del 2016
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona

Sala d'Actes Frederic Udina (B7/1056)

Organitzat per Xavier Villalba (Projecte Compositionality of meaning. Theoretical and empirical perspectives).

Informació i programa

 

 

The Romance Turn VIII

29 i 30 de setembre del 2016, UAB

Invited Speakers: Anna Cardinaletti (Ca’ Foscari, Venezia) and Julie Franck (Université de Genève)

Workshop: The acquisition of information structure: A developmental perspective on its syntax and interface properties

Invited speakers: Luigi Rizzi (Università degli Studi di Siena) and Adriana Belletti (Università degli Studi di Siena)

Programa: http://filcat.uab.cat/theromanceturn/index.php/program/
Inscripció: http://filcat.uab.cat/theromanceturn/index.php/registration/

 

 

Workshop on Syntax, Semantics and Phonology (WoSSP)

Invited speakers:

Elena Castroviejo (Ikerbasque & UPV/EHU)
Aritz Irurtzun (IKER-CNRS)
Anna Pineda (IKER-CNRS)
Lloc: Sala de Graus d'Econòmiques (B3/012)

Més informació: https://sites.google.com/site/wossp2016/

 

 

Workshop on the Semantic Contribution of Det and Num. (In)definiteness, genericity and referentiality
May 27 and 28, 2016
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona

Call for papers

Workshop description
The structure and interpretation of nominal phrases of different syntactic and semantic complexity have been among the most extensively studied topics in linguistics in the past decades. The literature has established various syntax-semantic mappings of noun phrases to express (in)definiteness and genericity across languages, stemming from the classical studies on the topics (Carlson 1977, Kamp 1981, Heim 1982). Much of the syntactic literature, adopting the DP Hypothesis of Abney (1987), has been devoted to the internal architecture of the DP (cf. Longobardi 1994, Zamparelli 2000, Borer 2005, Alexiadou 2014). Yet another much discussed issue is the derivation of referential properties of nominal phrases and the syntactic and semantic ingredients involved (e.g., articles, type-shifting, number specification, mass and count distinction, etc.) in building different types of referentiality (Chierchia 1998, Bouchard 2002, Dayal 2004, Cheng 2012, Aguilar-Guevara et al. 2014, Dobrovie-Sorin and Beyssade 2014, among many others). Recently, a number of experimental studies have been carried out which complement theoretical investigation (cf. Ionin 2015).

In this workshop we aim at bringing together researchers involved in the study of nominals, nominalization, genericity, specificity and indefiniteness in theoretical and experimental linguistics. We welcome work on formal syntax and semantics of nominal phrases in natural languages, focusing specifically on the role of Determiner(s) and Number in establishing referential properties of the nominal phrase. We also encourage submissions on experimental studies on production/processing and L1 and L2 acquisition of referentiality, article systems and genericity.

Invited speakers
Artemis Alexiadou (Humboldt University)
Tania Ionin (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign)
Lisa Cheng (Leiden University)
Ora Matushansky (CNRS/Paris 8)
Claire Beyssade (Université de Paris 8)
Florian Schwarz (University of Pennsylvania)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Cursos i cicles


 

Curs del Màster CCiL - Caroline Féry (Goethe-Universität Frankfurt)
Advanced issues in cognitive science and linguistics:
Information structure and prosody

Resum
The point of departure of the class is twofold: first a review of the notions underlying information structure: focus, givenness and topic. How are they defined and what kind of grammar do we need for accounting for them? Second the prosodic correlates of information structure. For focus, two proposals will be discussed: focus as prominence (Jackendoff 1977) and focus as alignment. The first proposal assigns a single prominence correlate for all kinds of focus and for all languages. The second proposal is inspired by Chafe’s notion of information packaging in which a sentence is pragmatically and prosodically divided in its different information structural roles. In the second part of the class, we will turn to prosody, and especially to the role of tones for information structure. A typology of tonal systems will be made that divide languages in intonation, pitch accent, tone and phrase languages, depending on the level of the prosodic structure at which tones are assigned. Following Hyman (2006), we will also make a principled division between stress and tone. Intonation languages are the best studied ones. In the third part of the class, putting everything together, we will discuss concrete languages, emphasizing the similarities and differences in the way they use prosody to express information structure.

Dies: Del 8 al 12 d'abril de 2019
Hora: 10:00 - 13:00
Aula: Sala d'Actes (B7/1056)

 

 

Curs Phoevos Panagiotidis

Març del 2019

Dimecres 27/3 - Sala d'actes de Filosofia i Lletres
15:30 A feature theory for lexical and functional categories, Part I: Lexical categories (PhD seminar)

Dijous 28/3 - Sala d'actes de Filosofia i Lletres
15:30 A feature theory for lexical and functional categories, Part II: Functional categories and beyond (Phd seminar)

Adjectives exist, the adjective category does not: a bicategorial approach
PHOEVOS PANAGIOTIDIS (U. of Cyprus)
Divendres, 29 de març de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30
Handout

 

 

Curs Lauren Ackerman

Methods in Experimental Syntax
Lauren Ackerman (Newcastle University)

In these lectures, I will touch on three fundamental components of experimental work in syntax: designing effective questions, choosing informative tests, and analysing data. Starting with the theory behind the scientific method, we will explore what makes an elegant and interesting experiment and what experimental paradigms are appropriate for different types of questions. We will end by getting practical experience in visualising and interpreting quantitative data using the popular software package R. By the end of this workshop, attendees will be prepared to look critically at methods in the quantitative experimental syntax literature and identify what methodologies are relevant to their own questions.

15, 16 i 17 de gener, 10:00 - 13:00

Sala de Graus (Facultat de Lletres, UAB)

 

 

Curs del Màster CCiL - Norbert Hornstein (University of Maryland)
Advanced issues in cognitive science and linguistics:
Minimalism Triumphant

Dies: 14, 15 i 17 de maig, 2018
Hora: 9:30 - 13:30
Aula: Sala de Graus, Facultat d' Economia i Empresa, UAB

 

 

Curs del Màster CCiL - Ray Jackendoff (Tufts University)
Advanced issues in cognitive science and linguistics

Dies: 2, 3, 4 i 5 de maig, 2017
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 9:30 - 12:30
Aula: Sala de Graus, Facultat d' Economia, UAB

Materials del curs: Dia 1Dia 2 Dia 3 Dia 4

 

 

Curs Elements of Matrix Syntax

Juan Uriagereka, Roger Martin & Román Orús:

9,10 i 11 de gener 2017, 10:00-13:00 i 15:00-18:00

Sala de Graus, Facultat de Lletres, UAB

INSCRIPCIÓ (obligatòria)

 

 

Curs prof. Vieri Samek-Lodovici
The interaction of right dislocation and focalization in Italian and other Romance languages

Prof. Vieri Samek-Lodovici (University College London)

October 26 and 27, 15-17h.
Classroom 210 (B7/030), Facultat de Lletres, UAB

This short course would be based on his recent OUP book (available as open access at link). It would provide a unified analysis of the entire focalization paradigm of Italian, as well as identify some of the most problematic aspects of current analyses. Crucially, one lecture would center on the differences between Marginalization and Right Dislocation and the tests that distinguish them. A few important differences between Italian and Catalan RD would also be considered.

 

 

 

Curs finançat per la Xarxa SIGGRAM
Questions, Answers and the Structuring of Information

Prof. Manfred Krifka (Institut für deutsche Sprache und Linguistik / Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin)
Materials del curs: 1, 2, 3.

Lloc: B7/052 Sala de graus Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres
Dates: des de 05/09/2016 fins a 07/09/2016
Hora inicial: 10:00 Hora final: 13:30

 

 

Curs del Màster CCiL
Advanced issues in cognitive science and linguistics

Curs impartit conjuntament per:

Olga Borik 26, 29 d'abril i 3, 6, 10 i 13 de maig

Tania Ionin 23, 24, 25 i 26 de maig

Lloc: Sala d'actes de la facultat de Filosofia i Lletres (B7/1056), UAB

http://www.ub.edu/ccil/?q=es/content/advanced-issues-cognitive-science-and-linguistics-5cr-1

 

 

Antonio Fábregas (Universitetet i Tromsø)
Cartografías mínimas: subespecificación y reducción de la ontología de núcleos

"En los estudios recientes sobre sintaxis y semántica, cada vez resulta más evidente que existe una tensión entre los sistemas cartográficos y los sistemas minimistas. Los sistemas cartográficos cuentan con un número muy alto de fenómenos empíricos que argumentan a favor de que las estructuras sintácticas sean ricas y concretamente que etiquetas tradicionales como V o C deben entenderse como áreas en las que se definen series de núcleos distintos; por su parte, los sistemas minimistas muestran que la sintaxis no puede limitarse a formar estructuras rígidas como la secuencia funcional, y que la hipótesis de que toda lengua natural tiene la misma secuencia funcional independientemente de la evidencia morfofonológica da problemas insalvables para explicar su adqusición. En este curso, voy a explorar un sistema en el que esta tensión se resuelve mediante el uso de constituyentes subespecificados sin posición rígida en la secuencia funcional, combinado con una visión donde lo que se ordena de forma rígida son las áreas y no los núcleos particulares".

Materials del curs:

Dilluns, 2 de maig de 2016
Hand-out 1

Dimarts, 3 de maig de 2016
Hand-out 2

Dimecres, 4 de maig de 2016
Hand-out 3

Lloc: Sala d'actes de la Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres (B7/1056), UAB
Hora: 15:30 - 18:30

 

 

Curs de Juan Uriagereka (University of Maryland)
Projecting from the Lexicon

Dates: 11, 12, 13, 14 de gener de 2016
Horari: 10:00 – 14:00 (11, 12, 13, 14), 16:00 – 18:00 (11, 12)
Aula: Sala de Graus, Facultat d’Economia i Empresa

 

 

 

 

 

Seminaris del CLT


Contacte curs 2018-2019: Josep Mª Brucart i Bernat Castro

 

Deconstructing (adjectival) resultatives in Old Romance
JOSEP AUSENSI I CRISTINA REAL (UPF)

Divendres, 14 de juny de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

In this talk, we will discuss a construction found in Old Spanish corpora (12th-16th c.) that can be identified with an adjectival resultative construction (cf. John shot him dead).

(1) a. Et        lo      firio      de   vna lança por        el uientre en tal
and ACC.3SG.M hurt.3SG.PFV of      a spear through the  stomach in such

manera lo derroco                         muerto d el cauallo
way ACC.3SG.M knock-down.3SG.PFV dead.PTCP.3SG.M of the horse

Lit. ‘And [he] hurt him with a spear through his stomach in such a way that he knocked him dead off the horse’

b. Non la      despoje                      desnuda e la
No  ACC.3SG.F strip.3SG.SBJV naked.PTCP.3SG.F and ACC.3SG.

dexe como el dia en que nasçio.
leave.3SG.SBJV like the day in that born.3SG.PFV

‘May he not strip her naked and leave her like the day she was born’ (14th c.,)

We will argue, however, that the examples in (1) are not true adjectival resultative constructions of the type found in satellite-framed languages or some verb-framed languages, as in Japanese (Washio 1997). Troberg & Burnett (2014) provide examples of adjectival resultatives in Old French (e.g. Andeus les geta mors en mi la pree ‘He beat both of them dead in the middle of the field.’). These authors provide a punctual model of the diachronic variation in three stages each of which display a different resultative system: (i) the Latin stage with prefixed prepositional resultatives (Talmy 1985), (ii) the Old Romance stage with unprefixed prepositional resultatives and weak adjectival resultatives and (iii) the final stage in which secondary predication resultatives, either prepositional and adjectival, are absent. In this talk, we will provide arguments from Old Spanish that put into question their conclusion. We propose instead that Old and Modern stages of Romance belong both to the verb-framed type. Our analysis of these constructions draws on the observation that those adjectives are participial with the structure as in (2).

(2) [vP [ vP [ v'  v [ PathP DP i [Path' Path [PlaceP DPi [ Place' Place √DERRIB- ] ] ] ] ] ] [ AsP [ vP [ v' v [ PathP PROi [Path' Path [ PlaceP PROi [ Place' Place √MUERT- ] ] ] ] ] ] ] ]

 

 

Bigger than a null object. VP-Ellipsis in Spanish
ALEJO ALCARAZ (UPV / EHU)

Divendres, 31 de maig de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

As originally observed by Campos (1986), Spanish allows for bare plurals (BPs) -as well as mass nouns- to be null in object position, as in (1B).

(1) A. ¿Compraste [café /regalos]1?
           bought.2sgS coffee/gifts
          ‘Did you buy coffee/gifts?’

    B. Sí, compré1
        Yes, bought.1sgS
        ‘Yes, I did.’

This author further observes that null objects may appear inside embedded clauses, as in (2a), but they are forbidden to appear in syntactic islands, as illustrated in (2b). This observation leads Campos (1986) to analyze the null object in (1B) in terms of a variable bound by a null operator OP, as in (4). Since the null object is not licensed in wh-questions either, as in (2c), Campos (1986) further claims that OP moves into [Spec, CP] so it incurs a doubly- filled Comp violation in the structure that corresponds to (2c).

(2) a. [CP OP1 [Juan me dijo [CP que [VP traería ]]]
                       Juan 1sgO told that will.bring
                    ‘Juan told me that he will bring (some).’

    b. *[CP OP1 [No conozco al [NP muchacho que [VP trajo ]]]
                        not know.1sgS the boy that brought.3sS
                        ‘I never meet the guy which brought (some).’

    c. *¿[CP OP1 Quién Co [TP le ha [VP traído t1]]?
                         Who 3sg.IO has brought
                         ‘Who has brought him (some)?

From a minimalist standpoint, however, technical implementations like that in Campos (1986) that model covert movement phenomena in terms of null operators turns out to be suspicious, as the null operator has no properties at the interfaces; i.e., it lacks of phonological content, as well as semantic import (cf. 6). In this talk, I provide new empirical evidence against Campos’ (1986) analysis, and put forth an alternative analysis of the null object phenomena under consideration in terms of verb stranding VPE (Goldberg 2005).

 

 

Where do Adjective Ordering Restrictions Come From?
EVELINA LEIVADA (U. of Tromsø)

Divendres, 24 de maig de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

Linguists have often noted that adjective ordering shows a cross-linguistically uniform character (Sproat & Shih 1991, Cinque 1999, Scott 2002). Two types of origin have been proposed for the attested ordering constraints: (i) syntactically imposed restrictions that posit a rigid hierarchy and (ii) restrictions of a cognitive basis that are sensitive to many factors such as the encoding of absoluteness and subjectivity, and the morphophonological weight. Under the first approach, the universal order is encoded in Universal Grammar in the form of a rigid syntactic hierarchy (Rizzi & Cinque 2016, Panayidou 2013). The second approach suggests that the ordering is less rigid, permitting for flexibility that is the outcome of various clashing factors.

The present study aims to tap into the universality and the rigidity of adjective ordering restrictions from a psycholinguistic point of view. We have run a timed forced-choice task with monolingual speakers of Greek (n=140). The task involved three conditions: 1. size-nationality, 2. color-shape, 3. subjective comment-material. Each condition had two orders. In the congruent order, the size adjective preceded the nationality adjective, in agreement with what is taken to be the order imposed by the hierarchy (Scott 2002). In the incongruent order, the hierarchy was violated and the adjective ordering was reversed. Since reaction times were measured, all test structures were carefully matched for length and syntactic structure across orders and conditions.

Our subjects largely accepted the incongruent orders as correct across conditions.The absence of any context-given information in our task entails that speakers could not have interpreted the incongruent orders under a contrastive focus reading that would legitimize the violation of the hierarchy. We discuss our results in the light of different hypotheses, both within and outside the cartographic approach, ultimately suggesting that they grant support to the second approach to ordering restrictions.


 

 

Què pot aprendre la lingüística de la biologia del desenvolupament?
SERGI BALARI (UAB)

Divendres, 17 de maig de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

És un fet reconegut per la gran majoria de biòlegs que una de les qüestions més complexes a les quals s’enfronta la biologia és la d’explicar els processos de desenvolupament. Des d’Aristòtil, l’embriologia ha estat una disciplina on l’observació, la teoria i els apriorismes s’han barrejat en diverses dosis, tot i que el debat pot resumir-se en dues paraules contraposades: preformacionisme vs. epigènesi. El preformacionisme és la tesi segons la qual els processos de desenvolupament no són altra cosa que processos de creixement i de maduració, atès que s’assumeix que l’organisme ja està format des del moment mateix de la concepció. L’epigènesi, en canvi, concep el desenvolupament com un procés creatiu en el qual la forma i l’organització emergeixen paulatinament a mida que el procés avança. Tot i que sembla de sentit comú que el preformacionisme és insostenible, veurem que aquesta ha estat, de fet, la posició més estesa en biologia i com el preformacionisme ha també contaminat la manera d’entendre el desenvolupament i l’adquisició del llenguatge. Recolzant-nos en les crítiques contemporànies que des de la biologia s’han fet de les versions més modernes del preformacionisme, esbossarem algunes idees sobre com pot encarar la lingüística els reptes que planteja el problema de l’adquisició sense caure en els mateixos errors en què va caure la biologia neodarwinista.

Handout

 

 

Sobre l'arquitectura del SD en català antic
ANNA BARTRA (UAB)

Divendres, 10 de maig de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

Tant en la tradició filològica clàssica com en treballs recents de sintaxi diacrònica formal s’ha destacat que l’ordre de constituents en els SDs en les llengües romàniques antigues conserva una llibertat que l’acosta més a la situació del llatí que no pas a la de les llengües romàniques contemporànies.  En treballs clàssics sobre l’ordre de mots en llatí, com el de Marouzeau (1922) ja s’argumenta en contra d’aquesta aparent llibertat. La dificultat per donar una explicació a la variació en l’ordre de mots fa que en la teoria de Principis i Paràmetres es defensi l’existència de llengües no configuracionals. Un cop abandonada aquesta concepció, cal trobar una explicació que compleixi els requisits que imposa una gramàtica jerarquitzada. Poletto (2016), entre altres, defensen l’existència de posicions de Tema i Focus en la perifèria esquerra del SD, de forma paral·lela a com la teoria cartogràfica (Rizzi 1997 & seq.) ha proposat per al SComp. En la presentació examinaré si el català antic ofereix exemples paral·lels als de l’italià antic i en quina mesura aquestes posicions encara estan disponibles en català contemporani i presentaré una primera hipòtesi de treball sobre els resultats. Les dades ens obliguen a una precaució metodològica: cal ser molt curosos a l’hora d’avançar hipòtesis sobre l’estructura oracional en la llengua antiga, perquè els textos disponibles poden oferir una visió esbiaixada de la realitat lingüística de l’època. D’altra banda, creiem que una explicació relativament més simple dels ordres observats és possible, atenent els diversos factors implicats en l’evolució de l’estructura del SD.

In examining the structure of the DP in Old Romance, the researcher is faced with the question of the differences between its structure and the one in Latin.  Once the hypothesis of Latin as a non-configurational language has been abandoned (Ledgeway 2010 a.o.), the (apparent) free word order in the DP and the CP needs an explanation with the tools of a hierarchically constrained grammatical theory. Cartographic approaches have been presented as a fruitful framework. Poletto (2016), among others, have argued for an analysis based on focalization and topicalization movements to the left periphery of the DP, in a way parallel to the ones targeting Focus and Topic positions in the layered CP projection. We will present data allowing us to address a first look to the order properties of Old Catalan DPs. We will try to verify the above mentioned hypotheses and to answer the questions they raise, namely (1) do Old Catalan DPs show the same patterns as Old Italian and other Romance variants?; (2) why are some alleged positions no more available in Contemporary Catalan?, and (3) do we need to assume the proposed left peripheral positions in the Old Romance DP or rather could the facts about order receive a more simple explanation? We aim to present some data that could help answering (1) and (2) and make some hypotheses about (3).


 

 

Acquisition of Mandarin syntax before age two: Distribution of objects
JINGTAO ZHU (UAB)

Divendres, 3 de maig de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

There are at least three ways to externalize the object in Mandarin Chinese: object in the VP position, object in the vP position or above (but still in the TP-field) or object in the left periphery. One empirical question is that how children identify the distribution of objects in their target language? In this talk, I will compare three classical language acquisition models both within and outside the framework of Generative Grammar against the empirical domain of the acquisition of both canonical and non-canonical word orders in Mandarin, more specifically, I will focus on early comprehension before age two by using a cognitively less demanding methodology, such as eye-tracking.

 

 

A Layered DP: Evidence from different Romance article systems
FRANCISCO ORDÓÑEZ (Stony Brook University)

– joint work with Judy Bernstein (William Paterson University) and Francesc Roca (Universitat de Girona)

Divendres, 26 d'abril de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

Abstract
This talk provides evidence for a richer structure of the DP based (in part) on two specific syntactic constructions in Catalan: Personal articles and the so called “Article Salat”. Personal articles in Catalan have been analyzed as expletives occupying D position (Longobardi 1997).  We provide an alternative account in which this personal article is not an expletive but it occupies a lower D head.  Evidence for this lower D head also comes from the Romance varieties displaying a double system, such as Balearic Catalan (s- and l- forms) and French (not Belgian) Picard (ch- and l- forms). We analyze double systems and personal articles and propose a multi-layered DP--DP1 and DP2--specialized for certain types of nominal expressions (APs, PPs, RCs corresponding to DP1; generics-uniques, titles, personal articles, collective nouns corresponding to DP2). Evidence for the analysis in both instances comes from the distribution of vocatives, differential object marking, and the possibility of co-occurrence.

 

 

Adjectives exist, the adjective category does not: a bicategorial approach
PHOEVOS PANAGIOTIDIS (U. of Cyprus)

Divendres, 29 de març de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30
Handout

 

 

La estructura interna del Sintagma Determinante. Definitud y especificidad
ANTONIO CAÑAS (Universidad de Alcalá)

Divendres, 15 de març de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

El determinante se ha estudiado como núcleo de su propia categoría funcional en Gramática Generativa desde la tesis de Abney en 1987. Desde esa fecha, los trabajos han ido explicando los fenómenos internos, proponiendo categorías como Cuantificador, Deixis, DFuerte, DDébil o asumiendo un paralelismo con las categorías de la periferia izquierda oracional como SDTópico o SDFoco.
Analizaré los datos de combinación del español y de otras lenguas con características diferentes y asumiré las definiciones de los conceptos más estrictas para proponer un nuevo análisis sintáctico, ajustándose también al marco teórico del Minimismo.
Las piezas léxicas que ocupan el trabajo son los artículos definidos, los demostrativos, los posesivos y los nombres propios, más allá de que puedan repasarse otras como los adjetivos o los nombres comunes.

 

 

El tratamiento de la 2a persona del singular en el castellano de Nueva York
MICHAEL NEWMAN (Queens College/CUNY)

Divendres, 1 de març de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

El presente estudio propone un nuevo método—la Tarea de Traducción Contextualizada (TTC)—para explorar el uso de la segunda persona del singular (2PS) en el castellano de Nueva York (C-NYC). Los participantes lo componen 52 universitarios de la City University of New York con raíces en 11 países hispanohablantes. Poco más de la mitad de ellos nacieron en Estados Unidos. La TTC consiste en 40 imágenes de un hablante que se dirige a un interlocutor. Cada imagen tiene un subtexto en inglés que representa las palabras del hablante. Los participantes traducen a su variedad de castellano ese subtexto. Las escenas varían no sólo por las relaciones de distancia y poder sino también por el contenido emocional y el contexto ambiental (p.e., trabajo, calle, hogar).
Los resultados muestran que usted aparece de forma variable sólo en situaciones de conflicto o de mucha distancia social (p.e., empleado a jefe o al revés). Los participantes nacidos o educados desde la infancia en Nueva York muestran menos uso de usted que los criados en Latinoamérica.
Más que un proceso de koineización, parece que el C-NYC se está moviendo hacia un sistema de 2PS dominado por la forma T, quizás relacionado con la falta de variación de 2PS en inglés. Sin embargo, este cambio se ha observado en otras variedades (Carricaburo 1997), y este resultado concuerda con una observación de Mufwene (2001) de que los cambios en progreso pueden acelerarse por el contacto. También vale la pena notar que el conflicto motiva el uso de usted. Por lo tanto, el empleo de la forma V puede ser una estrategia de reducción de conflicto al menos para algunos participantes.

Referencias
Carricaburo, Norma (1997). Las fórmulas de tratamiento en el español actual. (= Cuadernos de Lengua Española, 48). Madrid: Arco Libros [2a edición actualizada en 2015].
Mufwene, Salikoko. 2008. Language Evolution: Contact, Competition and Change. NY: Continuum.

 

 

Las construcciones pseudopartitivas: aspectos sintácticos y semánticos
LAURA ARIAS (UAB)

Divendres, 8 de febrer de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30h

El objetivo de este seminario es presentar una descripción detallada de las propiedades de las pseudopartitivas en español y proponer un análisis. A grandes rasgos, el análisis tiene que explicar por qué el verbo puede concordar con los dos nombres (Un grupo de niños llega/llegan tarde) y por qué el primer sustantivo parece ser “transparente” para la modificación adjetival (un vaso frío de agua). Defenderemos que existen dos clases de construcciones pseudopartitivas, cada una con propiedades sintácticas y semánticas distintas, y que necesitan, por lo tanto, dos análisis distintos.

 

 

On the role of pro drop in the development of Impersonal se in Romance
JONATHAN E. MACDONALD (University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign)

Divendres, 1 de febrer de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30h

In this talk, I discuss the relation between being a consistent null subject language and the development of so-called impersonal se constructions in Romance. While a correlation has been noted in the literature, often captured by assuming se heads T (or Infl; Beletti 1982, Cinque 1988 a.o.), the import of this correlation has been undervalued, in my opinion. As I show, investigating it in more detail leads to a deeper understanding of the syntax of impersonal se constructions both synchronically and diachronically. While many assume that impersonal se develops from passive se (Naro 1976, Geniusiene 1987, Haspelmath 1990, Cennamo 1993, Dobrovie-Sorin 1992, MacDonald & Maddox 2018 a.o.), there has been little in the way of a formal account of such a change. Assuming that se of passive se heads Voice (or v) (MacDonald & Maddox 2018), I propose that impersonal se derives from the reanalysis of passive se as the head of T (see also Wolfsgruber 2017), and, in broad terms, can be understood as an instance of grammaticalization up the tree (Roberts & Roussou 2003, van Gelderen 2011). Importantly, I claim that this reanalysis takes place at a specific time in the life of passive se resulting in a T with a specific set of features. One of these features, I argue, is the [D] feature proposed in recent accounts of CNS languages (see Holmberg 2005, 2010, Roberts 2010). In this respect, [D] in T is a necessary, although not a sufficient, condition for a language to develop of impersonal se (Dobrovie-Sorin 1992). I propose that, once in T, se is governed by the subject cycle (van Geldern 2004, 2011), which I argue explains unique patterns in certain varieties of European Portuguese impersonal se constructions as observed by Martins (2005,2009).

 

 

Les relatives-qu no finites i el sincretisme a la perifèria esquerra
XAVIER VILLALBA (UAB)

Divendres, 25 de gener de 2019
Aula 202, 15:30

La dislocació a l‘esquerra amb clític (CLLD) apareix en tota mena de contextos, tant matrius com subordinats, però no és possible en las oracions relatives-qu no finites. Aquest fet té importants conseqüències en el debat sobre la millor manera d’explicar la distribució dels elements a la perifèria esquerra de les oracions subordinades: d’una banda, el truncament i, de l’altra, la intervenció entre els diversos tipus de moviment.
En aquesta xerrada defensaré que las oracions relatives-qu no finites presenten truncament radical (només projecten SFinitud), mentre que les interrogatives-qu tenen una perifèria esquerra completa, que inclou de manera crucial SForça, perquè es tracta d’oracions seleccionades.

 

 

Gapping in Catalan Sign Language
GIORGIA ZORZI (UPF)

Divendres, 11 de gener de 2019

Johnson (2014) defines gapping as being such only if the gap appears in the second conjunct of a coordination. Moreover, in English and in other spoken languages, gapping is considered a particular type of elliptical structure compared to other types of ellipsis. This is due to the restriction on gapping in appearing only in coordination and to its compliance with the no embedding constraint (Johnson 2014). Gapping in Catalan Sign Language (LSC), instead, presents different properties than English, showing similarity to VP-ellipsis (VPE). In this talk, I will compare LSC to English, as representative of many other languages, and I will consider the necessity of grouping gapping with other elliptical structures, contrary to analyses suggested based on English. I will adopt a deletion account providing a syntactic analysis for gapping and VPE in LSC. Moreover, I will present two modality specific tests to show the presence of both syntactic and semantic identity in gapping in LSC between the antecedent and the gapped site.   

 

 

Los patrones de alternancia de código vistos desde la teoría lingüística, el acceso léxico y la adquisición: ¿Un frente común?
JUANA MUÑOZ LICERAS (Universitat d'Ottawa)

Dimarts, 18 de desembre de 2018

Dar cuenta de los distintos patrones que presentan los datos de alternancia de código viene siendo un reto porque supone enfrentarse a discordancias sistemáticas entre los datos espontáneos y los experimentales, entre la producción y el procesamiento e incluso entre los distintos pares de lenguas. Vamos a abordar aquí algunos análisis propuestos por la lingüística formal y la psicolingüística para dar cuenta de los patrones de alternancia de código relacionados con el género gramatical para proponer que, en lugar de aferrarnos a una u otra explicación restrictiva de los datos, busquemos un compromiso que nos lleve a esclarecer como se representa el género en la mente del bilingüe.

 

 

Delimiting coordination and subordination in comparatives: Evidence from Spanish
LAURA VELA-PLO (EHU)

Divendres, 30 de novembre de 2018

This paper presents an approach to the analysis of comparative constructions that allows us to simultaneously capture two generalizations that seem to pull in opposite directions: that although comparatives display some characteristic properties of coordinate structures, they also behave like subordinate structures in many important respects. Based on data from Spanish and English, I show that these prima facie contradictory properties of inequality comparatives are actually due to the fact that er/than is ambiguous between a subordinating er/thansub and a coordinating er/than& (also Napoli 1983). I systematically distinguish comparative coordination from comparative subordination based on several syntactic tests from the literature (availability of Gapping, RNR, shared elements, center-embedding and the CSC) and also some novel observations (availability of cataphoric references and deletion of finite complement clauses). I defend that the data on Spanish inequality comparatives serves as crucial evidence in support of the split approach to comparative structures since whenever a comparative shows coordinate-like properties, Spanish makes use of a más/que comparative; while más/de comparatives display the characteristic features of subordinate structures. Hence, this language lexically differentiates comparative coordination from comparative subordination with the variability in the choice of standard marker. On this basis, I provide a fully compositional syntactic and semantic analysis of comparative subordination and the understudied comparative coordination following insights from Corver (1993) and the semantics of the A-not-A analysis of inequality comparatives (Seuren 1973).

 

 

El caso de las subordindas: evidencia de ECM en español
LORENA CASTILLO (UAB)

Divendres, 23 de novembre de 2018

Since Stowell (1981), in the literature it is assumed that the clauses cannot receive Case, but in this talk we will argue that, at least in Spanish, they do. In order to provide evidence for that we will talk about infinitive-ECM structures in Spanish, where, unlike in English, the embedded subject passivization is not possible:

(1) a. Clarice heard lambs screech.

    b. Lambs were seen ti screech.

(2) a. Clarice oyó a los corderos chillar.

    b. *Los corderos fueron oídos chillar.

In this talk, we will propose that ECM subjects in Spanish may receive accusative or dative Case, depending on the categorial status of the embedded clause (cf. Chomsky 1986). Building on Ormazabal & Romero (2007), we argue that if the embedded clause is a TP, the ECM-ed DP receives dative Case while if the embedded clause is an XP (where X is a predicative category, V, Asp or P), then the ECM-ed DP receives accusative structural Case (STR).

In sum, we will argue that ECM structures in Spanish provide new evidence in favour of the view that assignment of structural Case is subject to locality constraints.

 

 

Acuerdos y desacuerdos en la Teoría del Caso
ESTHER TORREGO (U. of Massachusetts / Euskera Institute, UPV)

Divendres, 9 de novembre de 2018

The study of Case is one the most productive areas of research in linguistic theory. Yet, views of what it is, how it works, and what phenomena it covers remain controversial. This is especially true within the Minimalist Program, which takes agreement to play a key role in the formal licensing of Case (Chomsky 2000). This has given rise to a plethora of research concerning “uninterpretable features”, and the workings of Agree. Concentrating on structural Case, I will present a synthesis of the main approaches to the theory of Case, discussing along the way some current approaches that derive aspects of Case from other grammatical domains.

 

 

The story of stressed schwa. Synchronic and diachronic aspects
DANIEL RECASENS (UAB)

Divendres, 19 d'octubre de 2018

Data from the world’s languages gathered in the present study reveal that the presence of schwa in stressed position is not an anomaly. This finding is somehow remarkable since schwa is supposed to result from articulatory reduction of one or more peripheral vowels in unstressed syllables. In spite of occurring in stressed position, the mid central vowel resembles unstressed schwa in many respects: it is highly variable along the fronting and, less so, height dimensions as a function of factors such as distinctive vowel length and consonantal context; it is extremely short and has a very low intensity, which accounts for why it is prone to show up in longer syllables (checked vs open) and in longer words (proparoxytones vs paroxytones and oxytones), and why it may receive stress only if all vowels in the word are also schwa. These phonetic characteristics also account for why stressed schwa originates from relatively short vowels, mostly if mid high front and occurring in positions favouring segmental shortening. Stressed schwa may also originate through assimilation to unstressed schwa (which may be traced back to /e/ rather than to /a/ in the languages under investigation) and to contextual consonants involving tongue retraction, nasalization or labiality. Stressed schwa is typically replaced by (mid) low vowels, which may have an articulatory or acoustically-based motivation and is in contrast with the mid high front quality of the vowels which it generally derives from.

 

 

Si n'eren uns clítics de subjecte evidencials en català central
SEBASTIÀ SALVÀ (UAB)

Divendres, 5 d'octubre de 2018

The goal of this talk is to show that some sort of «subject clitics» (SCls), in a broad sense, indeed existed in a previous stage of Central Catalan (∼17th, 18th and 19th centuries), especially in traditional Catalan folk songs and tales (e. g.Si n’eren tres tambors que envenen de la guerraJa n’eren tres ninetes assentades en un banc), and to provide a syntactic analysis for them. In particular, we are claiming that Central Catalan recycled the partitive clitic en/ne/n’as an evidential SCl, usually preceded by a deictic adverb/particle (sija). We propose that this clitic is the overt manifestation of an AgrNum head, specified by an «expletive» deictic operator (overt or null). This operator (Op) then moves higher in the CP domain, in order to bind its variable in the IP field and value an evidential Force[uDeictic] head, modifying the illocutionary force of the whole sentence and, therefore, presenting the source of information on the grounds of which the speaker justifies or supports a given speech act: the deictic Op maintains a D-linked or anaphoric relationship to a previous intervention in a discourse/dialog or to an implicit context, real or unreal, so the truth value of the statement remains suspended. Along its way to [Spec, ForceP], the deictic Op stops at several intermediate projections: ΣP/PolP, Focweak and DeixisP —and, sometimes, also FoccontrastP, provided the Op possesses a [+contrast] feature. This talk also compares the similarities and differences between the Catalan evidential clitic en/ne/n’ and other SCls found in some Romance languages (Northern Italian dialects and Galician).

 

 

Simple and Complex locative prepositions in Catalan: a comparative view
CRISTINA REAL (Universitat Pompeu Fabra)

Divendres, 28 de setembre de 2018

In this talk I propose a minimalist analysis of simple and complex locative prepositions in Catalan, from a comparative perspective. Specifically, I claim that semantic and syntactic properties that are normally considered part of the field of the extended projection of PPs in cartographic approaches (categories like Place, Degree, K, and AxPart, for example) are properties of the DP. This claim assumes the view that adpositions are a functional projection that relates two DPs, the Figure and the Ground, and not a lexical head that projects a functional domain as Ns, Vs or As (cf. den Dikken 2010, Koopman 2000, 2010). The second part of the paper proposes a model to account for the variation that locative prepositions exhibit across Romance languages following the Borer Conjecture. More precisely, microparametric differences in adpositions depend on the particular composition of features in p.

 

 

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