A continuació donem una relació de les activitats científiques més destacades que han estat organitzades pel CLT o bé les activitats en què els membres del grup han tingut una participació destacada.
Next, we provide you with a list of the most relevant scientific activities organized by the CLT, and the activities in which the members of the group have played a role.
25 i 26 d'octubre de 2012
IDL12: Information, discourse structure and levels of meaning
Deadline for submission: April 16th, 2012
Organizers: Laia Mayol (UPF) i Xavier Villalba (CLT/UAB)
Lloc: Residència d'Investigadors, Barcelona
Del 21 al 23 de març de 2012
22nd Colloquium on Generative Grammar
Deadline for submission: December 16th, 2011
Organitzador: Víctor Acedo-Matellán ; Anna Bartra; Teresa Cabré; Ángel Gallego; Maria Lluïsa Hernanz; Joan Mascaró; Jaume Mateu (coord.); Carme Picallo; Cristina Real; Gemma Rigau
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB.
Del 3 al 5 d'octubre de 2011
Workshop on verbal elasticity
Deadline for submission: 23rd of May 2011
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB.
Del'1 al 5 de setembre de 2011
12th International Science of Aphasia Conference
Investigadors del CLT en el comitè organitzador: Anna Gavarró i Silvia Martinez-Ferreiro
Lloc: Residència d'Investigadors, Barcelona.
Dijous 7de juny de 2012
English resultatives: an open-and-shut case?
Cristiano Broccias (Università di Genova)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30-17:30
Aula: B7/1056
Divendres 8 de juny de 2012
Simultaneity as-clauses, past and present
Cristiano Broccias (Università di Genova)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30-17:30
Aula: B7/1056
Curs del Màster de Ciència Cognitiva i Llenguatge
De dimarts a divendres, 22, 23, 24 i 25 de maig de 2012
Specific Indefinites – From Intentionality to Indexicality
Klaus von Heusinger (Un. of Stuttgart)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30-17:30
Aula: B7/1056
Dilluns 19 de març de 2012
Rhyming evidence for intervals as a rhythmic unit
Donca Steriade (MIT)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula: 213
Dimarts 20 de març de 2012
Contour Correspondence: evidence from across-the-board shifts in height and tone
Donca Steriade (MIT)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 11:30
Aula: 306
Curs de complement de formació per a estudiants de doctorat:
Dimecres 15, 22 i 29 de febrer, i 7 de març de 2012
Topics in Brazilian Portuguese Syntax
Sonia Cyrino (UNICAMP)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 16-18h
Aula: B7/1056
Cicle de conferències
Dimecres 2 de maig de 2012
The Complementiser system in spoken English: Evidence from broadcast media
Andrew Radford (University of Essex)
Resum
This talk looks at the use of complementisers (especially indicative that) in the contemporary spoken English of live, unscripted radio and TV broadcasts. Descriptive grammars of English generally claim that indicative that is restricted to occurring in Complementiser-First/C1 structures where the complementiser is the first word in a declarative subordinate clause. However, I report a wide range of other structures containing indicative that occurring in spoken English, including interrogative C1 structures and a wide range of Complementiser-Second/C2 structures. I conclude that (for many speakers) the complementiser that has come to be used to mark finiteness (rather than declarativeness) in present-day English, and that it can occupy any (and more than one) head position in the periphery of a finite clause. I briefly explore possible psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic factors which may have shaped complementiser use.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 10:00-11:30
Aula: 102
Dimecres 2 de maig de 2012
Gaps, ghosts, and gapless relatives in spoken English
Andrew Radford (University of Essex)
Resum
This talk looks at so-called ‘gapless relative clauses’ in spoken English like that italicised in ‘She was rude to me, which I didn’t really care’. I argue against recent claims that which in such structures has become reanalysed as a subordinating conjunction like although. I argue instead that which functions as the object of a ‘silent’ preposition (e.g. a silent counterpart of about). I sketch two alternative syntactic accounts. One (adapted from Caponigro and Pearl 2010) assumes the presence of an inherently null preposition; the other (adapted from Collins and Postal 2012) assumes that ‘ordinary’ prepositions can undergo a particular kind of deletion operation called Ghosting. However I reject syntactic accounts in favour of a processing account in which the preposition is silent as a result of memory decay, and present supporting experimental evidence.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula: 202
Variación histórica y cambio lingüístico. El fenómeno de la gramaticalización en algunas partículas deverbales y otros elementos funcionales de origen léxico.
Isabel Castro(CLT/UAB)
Resum
La evolución histórica de las lenguas, entendiendo como tal la comparación de distintos estadios de una misma lengua, es uno de los temas que más ha interesado a la lingüística desde su creación. Los conceptos de cambio lingüístico y variación en muchas ocasiones se toman como sinónimos, pero en este trabajo no solo van a proponerse como etiquetas distintas, sino también como conceptos que dan cuenta de fenómenos diferentes, aunque íntimamente relacionados. Para ello, van a definirse la variación y el cambio en relación al proceso de adquisición y los conceptos de lengua-I y lengua-E con el propósito de acotar y entender desde una perspectiva formal el funcionamiento, en abstracto, de la evolución histórica de una lengua. En este contexto teórico, la gramaticalización se presenta como uno de los tipos de cambio lingüístico más productivo y universal, en tanto que presente en todas las lenguas naturales. Trataremos los casos de bastante y durante como ejemplos de gramaticalización y se empleará para ello una metodología de corpus idiolectal.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Russian instrumental nominals as a counterpart of bare nominals in Romance
Lidia Bogatyreva (CLT/UAB)
Resum
In the course of time different points of view have been expressed in the study of syntax and semantics of bare nominals. Since Chierchia's (1998) claim that common nouns in Romance languages are categories of type <e,t> and can appear in argument position only under a DP projection (Longobardi 1994), it has been shown by many linguists (Dobrovie-Sorin & Laca 2003; Munn & Schmitt 2005; Dobrovie-Sorin et al. 2006; among others) that within the Romance family the distribution of bare nominals differs considerably. More recently, it has been proved (Espinal & McNally 2007, 2011; Espinal & Mateu 2011) that, in Catalan and Spanish, bare nominals can appear in object position of have-like verbs, a position where they denote properties and are not referential, but never in specifier position. Semantically, not being arguments in a full sense of the term, they have been analyzed as predicate modifiers.
My goal is to show that there is a counterpart for Romance bare nominals in a structurally different language like Russian. Russian, a Slavic language that does not have articles, relies on nominal Case marking to express different referential possibilities of the Noun. I will show the structural correspondence between Romance bare nominals and Russian nominals in instrumental (INSTR) case. In order to account for these instantiations of INSTR, in this presentation I will (i) expose the syntactic and semantic properties associated with nouns in INSTR case in Russian; I will (ii) show the extent to which these properties correspond to those of bare nominals in Romance; and I will (iii) make a proposal for the syntactic structure of nominals in INSTR case that correspond to semantic predicate modifiers.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Set theory and the backbone of syntax
Bernat Corominas
(Complex System Lab/UPF)
Resum
We explore the set-theoretical basis of syntactic relations and conclude that current syntax theory can be consistently organized and supported by set theory. Specifically, we demonstrate that merge operation can be identified with set union operation and we conclude that syntactic objects are nests, the core concept of order theory. Going further, we analyze the unavoidable finite-size effects demonstrating that the emergence of cyclic movement is a natural consequence, and needs not longer be postulated. Formal features are mathematically introduced, enriching the structural hallmark provided by merge. The final outcome is the so-called nesting grammar, a set-theoretical construct that has the aim of being richer and wider enough to properly act as the backbone of theoretical syntax. The generative power of the obtained grammars is studied, obtaining preliminary results related to the location of nesting grammars -according to their properties- within the Chomsky hierarchy. We observe that the nested structures offer a rigorous conceptual alternative of what has been intuitively referred as "recursion" in linguistics literature. Beyond its intrinsic theoretical interest, several extensions of the work will be highlighted.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Denominal Verbs of Removal in Italian Idiomatic Constructions
Andrea Bellavia (CLT/UAB)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Divendres, 24 de febrer de 2012
On richness of tense and verb movement in Brazilian Portuguese
Sonia Cyrino (UNICAMP)
Resum
I argue that morphological markings and richness of verbal tense paradigms may not be related to verb movement in the way proposed by Biberauer & Roberts (2010). A rich tense paradigm in terms of morphological marking may be misleading as a way of indicating verb movement, since morphology may not always indicate verb position. I show that is the case in Brazilian Portuguese, because, I argue, there has been loss of verb movement, although the language kept some morphological markings in past tenses. Assuming B&R´s theory, lexical verbs in BP have now only [T2] related features, and they don´t reproject up to T1. This can be related to the absence of some synthetic forms, especially the pluperfect. However, this cannot be the whole story, since a related language, European Portuguese, also has periphrastic forms for the pluperfect (although, as opposed to Brazilian Portuguese, the synthetic form is still productive). I show that some past forms don't convey their original meanings, indicating loss of verb movement.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Divendres, 10 de febrer de 2012
Double negation in Catalan and Spanish: a contribution to negation, prosody and gesture in interaction
Susagna Tubau (UAB), Joan Borràs (UPF), Pilar Prieto (UPF) i M. Teresa Espinal (CLT/UAB)
Abstract
This study focuses on the interaction between syntax, prosody and gesture in the interpretation of single negation and Double Negation (DN) in Catalan and Spanish. By means of various perception experiments, we investigate the role of three major formal conditions in the interpretation of DN in Catalan and Spanish question-answer pairs: (a) syntactic structure differences in the responses which contain either isolated or presentential n-words; (b) two different prosodic patterns; and (c) two different gestural patterns.
In the first part of the talk we will show that the results crucially reveal that (i) syntax and prosody interact: prosody can even override syntactic expectations, because prosodic contours enhance speech processing; (ii) there is no conceptual ban on DN in Negative Concord (NC) languages: n-words in this type of languages may convey DN interpretations when associated with a special intonation; and (iii) Catalan and Spanish hearers show form-meaning preferences between syntactic forms and prosodic contours: interestingly, hearers do not reject marked forms (e.g., Nadie no ha comido postre) that should be ruled out by a theory of grammar that only takes into account syntactic constituents and their merging possibilities according to their formal features, but they interpret them in the only way they can be interpreted, as an anti-NC structure.
Furthermore, this study investigates the extent to which the perception of contradictory pitch contours and gestures may constrain the interpretation of isolated n-words in the two NC languages. Faced with auditory only and visual only conditions, participants prefer a DN interpretation when they perceive a specific and marked intonation contour or a specific and marked gestural pattern. In the audiovisual condition, while congruent prosodic-gestural combinations trigger either negative or DN responses, incongruent combinations lead to higher reaction times and hearers tend to perceive negative meanings. These results demonstrate that prosodic and gestural patterns play an important role in linguistic comprehension processes and specifically in the interpretation of DN.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:203
Divendres, 27 de gener de 2012
Double Object Constructions in Romance revisited
Anna Pineda (CLT/UAB)
Resum
The aim of this talk is to provide evidence for a new view on Romance double object constructions (DOC). Against the general trend, I don't try to prove the existence of Romance DOC by comparing it to the well-known English-like dative alternation, but I propose a new approach to Romance ditransitive constructions.
Though DOC had been traditionally considered absent in the Romance area (Kayne 1984), several researchers have defended that Spanish does have it (Strozer 1976, Masullo 1992, Demonte 1995, Romero 1997). More recently, and building on Pylkkänen's 2002 work, the same statement has been made again for Spanish (Cuervo 2003) as well as for other Romance languages, such as Romanian (Diaconescu & Rivero 2007) and Portuguese (Torres Morais & Moreira Lima Salles 2010). However, all these approaches insist on comparing Romance ditransitive constructions to English-like dative alternation, and as a consequence they are obliged to prove that Romance languages show exactly the same structural asymmetries detected in English, which as I show is not the case.
Instead of identifying DOC on the basis of its contrast with respect to the prepositional paraphrase (PC) in English, I follow Fournier (2010) and propose to find out which are the truly inherent properties of the construction. With this less restrictive conception, it will be possible to detect DOC in a larger number of languages, crucially avoiding the (annoying) search for properties parallel to those found in English.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Divendres, 20 de gener de 2012
Head Movement trivially obeys the Extension Condition
Jaume Solà (CLT/UAB)
Resum
I will defend three views:
1. Head movement is a syntactic (core grammar) phenomenon, which
- insightfully accounts for a good deal of word order variation and
- is not different in nature from phrase movement (as I will defend).
2. Head movement of head A to head B occurs if and only if head A contains an overt morpheme which belongs in B. Consistently:
2.1. There is no null (invisible) morphology: null (universal) morphemes are free.
2.2. There is no unmotivated head movement (movement of A to B where A does not contain a B morpheme). Apparent conterexamples have to be examined carefully, because there is more morphology tan meets the eye.
3. This view is minimalist in the sense that it allows (E and I) merge to be completely free, with the CI interface constraint that heads must be filled by the right morphemes for interpretation (be they null, free particles or part of inflected words).
From this, two further development can be pursued:
3.1. If the CI interface requirements are enoghh to motivate movement, couldn’t we dispense with (some of) the formal machinery that has been created within the MP to trigger movement?
3.2. If probes (as attractors) can be dispensed with for movement, head movement can satisfy the Extension condition.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Divendres, 13 de gener de 2012
The Perfect Time Span and the (non)-position-definite reading: towards a unified account of the present perfect
Teresa Xiqués (CLT/UAB)
Resum
The purpose of this talk is to show that there are relevant similarities between the hodiernal Present Perfect (i.e., En Pere ha arribat a les tres (Cat.) 'Peter arrived at three') and the other common uses of the Present Perfect (i.e., existential) in Catalan and Standard Peninsular Spanish in order to argue that a unified semantic account of the perfect is possible. Following Iatridou et al.'s (2001) Perfect Time Span theory, I argue that the hodiernal reading constitutes a subcase of the existential present perfect. However, unlike the existential reading, the hodiernal allows a positon-definite reading (Hitzeman 1994, 1995, 1997) on the time axis since it can be modified by punctual time adverbials (i.e., a les tres 'at three'). This option is blocked in English (i.e.,i.e., *Chris has left at six (Klein 1992: 546)). Hence, in order to propose that the hodiernal reading is compatible with assuming one underlying semantics, I suggest a slight modification of the existential reading, which does not include the boundaries of the Perfect Time Span by assertion, and argue that the left boundary of the Perfect Time Span of a hodiernal Present Perfect is by assertion part of the eventuality: the punctual time adverbial modifies the initial point of the event (Hitzeman 1995). There is an interesting paralellism between this hodiernal reading and the existential construction It has been five years since I saw him (Iatridou 2003: 133) which favours this analysis: in both cases the the left boundary of the time span a les tres and since I saw him 'refers to the last occurrence of an event of the relevant type'.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula: 202
Divendres, 16 de desembre de 2011
Preposiciones e intervalos temporales
Ignacio Bosque
(UCM)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Dijous, 15 de desembre de 2011
Suffix Combinations in English and Bulgarian, with Some Comparisons to Russian and Polish
Stela Manova (U. of Vienna)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Dimarts, 13 de desembre de 2011
Lectura de tesi doctoral
The role of prefixation in the nominalizing process
Angelina Markova (UAB)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 16:00
Aula: Sala de Graus
Divendres, 2 de desembre de 2011
On 'hidden for' and Null Case in Romance
Koldo Sáinz
Resum
In the second talk, I will start by considering the apparent intervention effect of dative clitics in Control structures, where an asymmetry exists between ‘normal’ epistemic/declarative Vs, which do not allow the presence of those clitics, and prospective Vs such as promise or decide, for which this effect doesn’t exist.
As for the first class of matrix predicates, two approaches will be considered: in the first one, I will assume that the PRO subject of the infinitival complements of the ‘normal class’ enters in a Null Case relation with a P head in the matrix clause, a relation which is blocked by the presence of the clitic; in the second, I will suggest that the empty C head of the infinitive has to incorporate to the matrix V, and this process is blocked by the clitic.
As for the promise class, I will assume that there is a silent for in C, responsible for both the future interpretation of the infinitive and for the Null Case asigned to PRO.
An interesting consequence of this analysis is that lexical subjects are excluded in the infinitival complements of the second class, even in languages that license them in the first one, a point that is confirmed by the evidence of Basque t(z)e-a Verbal Nouns and AcI constructions in Latin and Ancient Greek.
More broadly, this approach raises a number of interesting questions related to the status of Finiteness as a primitive notion: I will explore this issue on the basis of the evidence provided by the two types of apparently non-finite i-clauses found in Welsh.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
On the P/C-T relation and the status of preverbal subjects
Koldo Sáinz
Resum
In this talk, I will argue that the availability of SPEC TP as a landing site for subjects doesn’t depend on the existence of an EPP feature/property in T, but on the nature of the relation between T and C: if this relation consists on the sharing of specific TMA values, subjects cannot intervene, thus leading to C-V+T-S orders; otherwise they can, or must, depending on the independently motivated availability of a lower position for subjects.
The empirical substance for our discussion will be provided by VS orders as found both in finite V1 languages and in Romance infinitives headed by P. In the first case, it will be shown that V1 always involves an initial C head. As for Romance infinitives, the initial P plays a similar role, either as C or as an element outside the clause. For those Romance languages in which P/C-S-INF orders are possible, it will be argued that there is an intermediate functional projection which blocks the possibility of a direct value-sharing relation between C and T.
A consequence of this approach is that C-T co-variation is predicted to be ruled out if there is an intervening subject: some apparent counterexamples will be considered, most noticeably Romanian subjunctives and Eastern Polynesian Actor Emphatic Constructions.
Furthermore, this analysis will be extended to Object Shift as seen in Yorùbá gerunds and infinitives, as well as in Irish Verbal Noun structures headed by a number of Aspect markers. Fore concreteness, it will be argued that the relation between Asp and v replicates the situation described above w.r.t C and T.
If this approach is on the right track, it will cast some doubts about the theoretical status of uninterpretable features as triggers of internal merge.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula: 202
Divendres, 25 de novembre de 2011
Scope and topicality of Catalan Sign Language (LSC) discourse referents
Gemma Barberà (UPF)
Resum
It is widely accepted that sign language discourse referents are identified with a location in sign space (Lillo-Martin & Klima 1990). However, the semantic attributes that discourse referents (DRs) should have in order to be spatially localised have not been thoroughly analysed. In Catalan Sign Language (LSC) both definite and indefinite NPs are established with a location. Unlike in some spoken languages, indefinite NPs do not have an ambiguous interpretation concerning specificity. Specific indefinites in LSC are localised on the lower frontal plane. This contrasts with non-specific indefinites, which usually are assigned a location on the upper frontal plane, though in a weaker realisation, i.e. with fewer morphophonological markings. When introducing a non-specific DR into the model, manual signs co-occur with a darting eyegaze which moves around in an upper direction. Interestingly, depending on the topicality of the DR, either a spatial location is established (when corresponding to the discourse topic) or not established at all. The current analysis argues that prominence of the DR interacts with the actual establishment of the spatial location: both wide and narrow scope variables correlate with a spatial location as long as the DR denotes the discourse topic. Data taken from a small-scale LSC corpus is used to argue for the proposed integrated theory.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Divendres, 18 de novembre de 2011
Some counterexamples to Talmy’s lexicalization patterns: exploring a theory of late insertion of roots
Cristina Real (CLT/Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)
Resum
The paper proposes that the distribution of the satellite/verb-framed pattern (Talmy 1985, 2000) in the lexicalization of motion events depends on the morphosyntactic properties of path expressions and not on the availability of a process of manner incorporation. I defend the view that alleged counterexamples to Talmy’s classification (e.g. It. Gianni è corso a casa ‘Gianni ran home’) are not real counterexamples, since the path is expressed in the verb and not in a satellite. In doing so, I explore the concept of manner incorporation by relating it to root insertion. Finally, I explore a late insertion approach of roots and its theoretical consequences.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Divendres, 11 de novembre de 2011
Restricciones sintácticas sobre la topicalización CLLD
Carlos Rubio Alcalá (CLT/Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)
Resum
En este trabajo, que representa una parte de mi investigación para la tesis doctoral, hago una revisión sobre los contrastes que se dan en el movimiento hacia la periferia izquierda entre los tópicos (fundamentalmente los del tipo Clitic Left Dislocation) y otros constituyentes, como los elementos-Q (Cinque 1990). Argumento que hay diversas razones para suponer que la topicalización CLLD es producto del movimiento hacia la izquierda, y no se produce por generación in situ del tópico en la posición periférica, adoptando un análisis de este fenómeno en la línea de Boeckx (2003).
A continuación me centro en el análisis de los contrastes que se dan cuando la topicalización se produce desde una isla fuerte, caracterizadas precisamente por la imposibilidad de la topicalización desde su interior, mostrando que sí se da en ciertos casos y proponiendo un análisis de los mismos. Los contrastes a los que me refiero son del tipo:
(1) Isla de oración de relativo
a. * A Pedro, conocemos al espía que lo traicionó.
b. A Pedro, el médico que lo atendió, le dijo que volviera mañana.
(2) Isla de sujeto
a. * De política, hablar se volvió difícil.
b. De política, me gusta hablar.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Divendres, 4 de novembre de 2011
Opaque mora preservation in Harmonic Serialism
Francesc-Josep Torres Tamarit (CLT/Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)
Resum
In this talk I argue in favor of an operation-based definition of gradualness in Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Optimality Theory, in which syllabification is serially built as harmonically improving single steps. I demonstrate that a set of phonological processes that involves mora preservation –in which weight by position overapplies– finds a straightforward and more unified explanation in terms of Harmonic Serialism if certain assumptions about the gradual nature of Gen are assumed: (a) syllabification is subject to the gradualness requirement on Gen (Elfner 2009, Pater 2011); (b) deletion is a two-step process that begins with debuccalisation (McCarthy 2008); (c) resyllabification is a two-step process of association plus delinking of autosegmental association lines, meaning that gemination is always a necessary step before resyllabification; and (d) prosodic constituents higher than the syllable create opaque domains for syllable formation operations. The empirical coverage of this study includes compensatory lengthening in Komi (Shaw 2009); compensatory lengthening and gemination in dialects of Ancient Greek (Ingria 1980, Steriade 1982, Hock 1986, Wetzels 1986, Hayes 1989); opaque vowel lengthening in Friulian (Hualde 1990) and Alsacian French (Montreuil 2010); and opaque West Germanic gemination (Bermúdez-Otero 1999, 2000, 2001).
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula: 202
Divendres, 21 d'octubre de 2011
Projecte de recerca sobre trets de disseny: estat de la qüestió II
Jordi Fortuny (CLT/Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula:202
Divendres, 14 d'octubre de 2011
Projecte de recerca sobre trets de disseny: estat de la qüestió I
Jordi Fortuny (CLT/Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona)
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula: 202
Divendres, 7 d'octubre de 2011
Desinences and encyclopedic entries: a syntactic analysis
Antonio Fábregas (CASTL/University of Tromso)
Resum
Uno de los problemas empíricos fundamentales en el estudio de la estructura de los sintagmas nominales (en español y otras lenguas) es qué estatuto darle a las desinencias átonas finales (cas-a, perr-o, etc.). Este problema tiene implicaciones para distintas cuestiones relevantes en el estudio de las lenguas naturales: a) el debate entre lexicalismo y construccionismo: ¿es posible analizar las desinencias como proyecciones dentro de la estructura del sintagma nominal?; b) el problema de cómo dar cuenta de las alternancias entre desinencias con una misma base (perr-o, perr-a): aun si fuera posible analizar estas desinencias como una proyección sintáctica, ¿qué información proporcionarían estas alternancias y cómo pueden tratarse en un sistema sintáctico? ¿Cómo se relacionan estos valores con el género gramatical?; c) el problema de cómo diferenciar entre semántica estructural y semántica enciclopédica: los distintos valores, ¿aportan información estructural o enciclopédica desde el punto de vista semántico?; el problema de la productividad y el almacenamiento: ¿qué determina que un sustantivo aparezca con una desinencia determinada, pero otros puedan alternar entre dos? ¿Debemos concluir que esta información está almacenada idiosincráticamente o podemos encontrar generalizaciones estructurales que nos inclinen por un análisis computacional? En esta charla, presentaremos un estudio de los nombres de evento simple para establecer las propiedades necesarias que las desinencias deben tener si queremos dar cuenta de los datos y argumentaremos que en realidad una estructura sintagmática subyace a las desinencias, de forma que las relaciones entre ellas pueden explicarse mediante procedimientos estructurales.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula: 202
Divendres, 30 de setembre de 2011
Factors involved in the Dative/Absolutive marking of the object in Basque: affectedness and animacy
Ane Odria Tudanca (EHU-UPV)
Resum
In bivalent predicates of Basque, we find an absolutive/dative case variation in the marking of the object. In this work, I describe and analyse the main influencing factors –i.e., affectedness, animacy, referentiality, volitionality and tense/aspect/mood split– that cause this type of alternation not only in Basque, but also in a number of other
ergative and accusative languages like Djaru, Warlpiri, Spanish and Hindi, among
others. I argue that in Basque the main influencing factors are animacy and low
affectedness, factors that seem to be contradictory in theories about prototypical Transitivity.
Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 15:30
Aula: 202
Per determinar
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Hora: per determinar
Aula: per determinar
Divendres, 25 de maig de 2012
Lectura:
Feldman, J., "Metaphors and Meaning" (Chapter 16, pp. 199-212), in Feldman, J. (2006). From Molecule to Metaphor: A Neural Theory of Language. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
A càrrec de Andrea Bellavia (CLT-UAB)
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Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 11:30-13:00
Aula: 210
Divendres, 18 de maig de 2012
Lectura:
"Causation, obligation and argument structure: on the nature of little v", R. Folli & H. Harley, Linguistic Inquiry (2007) 38.2: 97-238.
A càrrec de Elena Ciutescu (CLT-UAB)
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Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 11:30-13:00
Aula: 210
Divendres, 27 d'abril de 2012
Lectura:
"Neural correlates of syntactic movement: converging evidence from two fMRI experiments", Michal Ben-Shachar, Dafna Palti, and Yosef Grodzinsky, NeuroImage 21 (2004) 1320–1336.
A càrrec de Io Salmons (CLT-UAB)
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Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 11:30-13:00
Aula: 210
Divendres, 13 d'abril de 2012
Lectura:
Harves, S. and R.S. Kayne (2012) "Having Need and Needing Have", Linguistic Inquiry, 43(1) p. 120-132
A càrrec de Lidia Bogatyreva (CLT-UAB)
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Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 11:30-13:00
Aula: 210
Divendres, 30 de març de 2012
Lectura: Roberts, I (2010): "`Grammaticalization, the clausal hierarchy and semantic bleaching"', en Gradience, gradualness and grammaticalization, Traugott y Trousdale (eds.), John Benjamins, 45-73.
A càrrec de Isabel Castro Zapata (CLT-UAB)
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Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
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Aula: 210
Divendres, 9 de març de 2012
Lectura: Patel, A. D. (2008). "Evolution" (Chapter 7), in Music, Language, and the Brain. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 355-412.
A càrrec de Teresa Blasco (Un. de Oviedo/CLT-UAB)
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Aula: 210
Divendres, 24 de febrer de 2012
Lectura: Yang, C. (2011) "Three Factors in Language
Variation", in The Biolinguictic Enterprise: New Perspectives on the Evo
lution and Nature of the Human Language Faculty, di Sciullo and Boeckx
(eds.), Oxford, 180-204.
A càrrec d' Adriana Fasanella (CLT/UAB)
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Aula: 210
Divendres, 10 de febrer de 2012
Lectura: Demirdache, H., M.Uribe-Etxebarria (2000). The primitives of temporal relations. In: R. Martin, D. Michaels, J. Uriagereka (eds.), Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 157-186.
A càrrec de Teresa Xiqués (CLT/UAB)
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Lloc: Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, UAB
Hora: 11:30-13:00
Aula: 210
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